AWA: Academic Writing at Auckland

While kawaii aesthetics can be the source of internal empowerment to women in some cases, kawaii in Japan is a product of patriarchy and allows women to be objectified and subjected to male gaze and masculine hegemony by creating an image of the ‘ideal’ Japanese girl, and how she should behave. Kawaii aesthetics is something that is learned from a young age and is reinforced through mass media and social conditioning. While kawaii can be a form of empowerment to challenge mainstream culture, it can very often take the opposite effect and marginalise women instead. By referring to examples in fashion, anime and manga, as well as early childhood education in Japan, this essay will critically discuss how kawaii aesthetics contributes to the subconscious formation of gender identity, objectification and disempowerment of women in Japan.

To some women in Japan, the incorporation of Kawaii aesthetics into fashion subcultures may be a form of internal empowerment by challenging mainstream culture and creating a community where they can freely express themselves. One of these subcultures is the Lolita fashion subculture. Lolitas typically dress in Victorian style dresses and accessorise using kawaii objects to create a very visual depiction of hyper-cute and hyper-femininity.1  These young women who participate in the subculture experience empowerment through the establishment of an identity within Japanese culture that is also part of a community comprised of like-minded people. As a group with shared values, Lolitas create for themselves a place that is removed from the public sphere of contemporary Japanese society, expectations and responsibilities by existing in a different time period through their fashion, aesthetics and behaviour. By incorporating what is seen as kawaii from the mainstream culture and converting it into a form of empowerment in their own subculture, Lolitas are both resisting and subverting the dominant culture’s power structure and the way it disadvantages Japanese women.2 By using Lolita fashion as a masquerade, a woman has the power to effectively reject patriarchal structures and ‘speak’ for herself in her own terms.3 So instead of taking on a motherly or supportive role that is expected of women, she can choose to avoid that social construct by concealing her sexually mature body beneath doll-like ruffles and lace to emit a juvenile appearance, prolonging childhood and innocence to avoid adult responsibilities, reject social norms and patriarchy.

However, no matter how much a Lolita can feel empowered through kawaii aestheticism, the idea of the Lolita is something that can be widely misinterpreted by men and can instead objectify and subjugate Japanese women under male gaze and masculine hegemony. Despite the youthful and innocent appearance of modestly concealing a mature female body beneath elaborate layers of ruffles and ribbons, the Lolita often carries the fetishist suggestion of a young girl as a forbidden sexual object, similar to Vladimir Nabokov’s ‘Lolita’.4 Instead of empowering themselves as women, Lolitas have become a focus of sexual attention from adult Japanese men and the male gaze. The Lolita is subjugated to patriarchy because she is objectified and commodified for the pleasure and entertainment of men.5 Moreover, Lolita subculture and its use for empowerment is ironic and paradoxical because its image and fashion is something that was produced by a history of patriarchal and male ideals.6 In this sense, despite how much internal empowerment Lolita fashion can give Japanese women, the desired effect of such empowerment can be lost, simply due to the fact that the very fashion that they display to reject patriarchy not only objectifies them as sexual objects, but is also a product of patriarchy in its self in the sense that it was created by men, for male oriented intentions.

Moving aside from Lolita subculture, kawaii aesthetics further disempowers women through not only the appearances of how they dress, but also their behaviour. Besides from dressing in cute clothes and carrying kawaii-looking objects around, the way Japanese women behave is also a huge aspect of being perceived as ‘kawaii’. Cute behaviour is a clear gendered message, mediated by things like how one speaks, what foods they eat and body language. All of these things are usually portrayed and conveyed in an infantilised manner to seem youthful and endearing. For example, Japanese girls consider speaking in third person and using their names as a substitute for the subjective “I” as kawaii because it evokes a sense of childishness that young children possess before they learn the concept of “I” as the subject.7 While it can also be seen as a display of power for women to relieve themselves of adult responsibilities, this is problematic. Women are already considered as a minority group, but reducing themselves to young children through infantilised behaviours for the purposes of needing to be validated as kawaii, only further subordinates them to patriarchy.8 In this sense, kawaii becomes a “hierarchical adjective” which enables older or superior people to disempower those who are younger or inferior.9 By performing in ways perceived as kawaii, women are subconsciously conforming to socially expected norms and consequentially subordinating themselves to patriarchy.

Furthermore, by looking at the social constructions of gender in Japan, we can see a clear-cut contrast between normative masculine and feminine behaviour which reinforces a hierarchical divide. In Japanese language for example, women’s language is conventionally indirect, emotional, and polite to seem more effeminate and gentle. In contrast, men’s language is noticeably more direct, assertive, and rough sounding.10 This creates a hierarchical relationship between men and women through language and speech because speaking in a more humble manner and using gender-specific particles and pronouns, creates a sense of separation and ultimately, hierarchy, with women being more subordinate to men. In addition to this, Akita uses an auto-ethnographical example of cuteness carrying gendered messages mediated through particular artefacts such as food.11 She expresses that a girl drinking black coffee appears masculine and intimidating to men, while in contrast, a girl eating ice-cream is seen as cute and fits within Japan’s gender norms.12 By conforming to what is socially seen as cute, women are also perpetuating the expectation that they should behave submissively to men. Japanese women are juxtaposing themselves to male behaviour which further highlights the differences between femininity and masculinity, and reinforces Japanese gender norms and hegemony.

A partial cause for the unconscious adherence to patriarchy in Japan could be the result of early childhood education and the socialisation of gender identity in Japanese children from a young age. A case study led by Matthew Burdelski and Koji Mitsuhashi followed the students and teachers of a private daycare centre in Japan to observe the socialisation of children through language into affect and gender, focusing in particular on the use of kawaii and kakkoii (cool) towards and amongst the children. When it came to personal items the children brought with them to daycare, 83.1% of the girls’ items were assessed as kawaii by the teachers, while only 14.3% of the boy’s belongings were assessed as such.13 In addition to belongings, teachers would also make highly similar assessments of ‘kawaii’ towards the children themselves and their behaviour, such as when girls made cute poses or performed actions which permeated ‘girlish’ tendencies. Likewise, the assessment of personal belongings regarded as ‘kakkoii’ in boys’ items was 73.8%, and only 21.4% in girls.14 This shows that there is definitely a strong correlation between girls being perceived as kawaii, and boys as kakkoii. Kawaii is therefore an important aspect of gender identity in young children, particularly girls, because it is associated especially with femininity.15 Boys will also be affected by this socialisation because they observe the assessments of kawaii and its close relation to feminine objects, behaviour, and ultimately, girls. Early childhood education is therefore an integral part of the socialisation of expected gender identity in Japanese children, and explains the subconscious adherence to these expected gender roles and the underlying want to be perceived as kawaii.

Another cause for this kawaii phenomenon to occur rests on the fact that contemporary Japanese culture is heavily and hegemonically influenced by mass media. In Japan, this mass media is one which actively promotes kawaii as an ideal image whilst objectifying women.16 Looking in particular at shōnen and shōjo anime and manga, we are able to see the distinct differences in the characters which promote the views of expected gender roles and identity in Japan. Male protagonists in most shōnen manga are portrayed as masculine and heterosexual heroes who perform various deeds for the benefit of female characters who are juxtaposed to play the predictable role of a ‘kawaii’ and helpless damsel in distress.17 By promoting such a message to those who consume anime or manga, including young children, a belief that men should be masculine, women should be feminine and both are supposed to perform in certain ways, is subconsciously instilled in their minds. In shōjo anime and manga, there is a similar expectation that girls are expected to be or act kawaii and submissive to be considered feminine and attractive, which are seen as positive traits to possess. Even in an anime/manga such as Sailor Moon, where the protagonist is a magical girl who is strong and has the means to defeat enemies, she cannot simply be just independent and powerful. Sailor Moon is also cute and beautiful, but submissively so, and despite being only fourteen years of age, Sailor Moon is sexualised through her short outfits, big breasts and large, watery eyes.18 This contradiction in her “fighting girl” character both disempowers and objectifies her in order to subordinate her to male gaze and the traditional patriarchal norms of the audience.19 So in an example like Sailor Moon, it is her looks which take priority over her strength and ability to defeat enemies. This means that her “power” becomes disempowering because the focus shifts to that of objectification through entertainment and pleasing the male gaze. It can therefore be said that promoting kawaii aesthetics and mannerisms allows an unconscious adherence to the oppression, sexual objectification and commodification of women within a patriarchal Japanese society.20 It is through forms of mass media like this that cute images are fed to a passive audience to help maintain patriarchy by perpetuating the idea that women should be subordinate to men because they are less powerful and independent. They must also appear kawaii and sexualised if they are strong female leads to counterbalance that power and put it back in the hands of men.

To further highlight the fact that kawaii in anime/manga mostly disempowers women, I will look at an animated film which omits cuteness and replaces it with unconventional traits to empower its female characters. Such contrast will show that in order for women to be empowered through mass media like anime and manga, female characters should be portrayed in a way which challenges dominant social norms of kawaii. In the Ghibli film Princess Mononoke by Miyazaki Hayao for example, The three main female leads (San, Moro and Eboshi) challenge traditional Japanese gender identity. They undermine a plethora of female stereotypes from both conventional Japanese culture and from the anime world itself.21 While still possessing a nurturing side, the typical and conventional female gendered traits like cuteness and sweetness are absent. These three females are independent, confrontational, fierce and violent — traits which are typically associated with men and male leads.22 The significance lies in the fact that although the female leads are considered as marginals of history, they are so brave, self-sufficient and ferocious that there is no need for a male “saviour” in the film. In this way, their characters challenge gender boundaries and defamiliarise femininity and the conventional notion of a woman and her supportive role.23 This underlying message concerning the destabilisation of gender identity and femininity is very empowering to women and should be noted for its attempt at questioning Japanese patriarchy and masculine hegemony. It is films like these which assist audiences in negotiating identity and changes in identity.24 Therefore, it can be argued that the lack of cuteness in female characters and the resulting empowerment of those characters is an indication that kawaii aesthetics in anime/manga reinforce the objectification and disempowerment of women.

In conclusion, kawaii aesthetics is a product of patriarchy and disempowers women despite the attempts of converting kawaii into various forms of empowerment. What is perceived as kawaii is made up of a combination and history of male-created beauty standards and socialising to condition both Japanese men and women to adhere to normative gender roles and formation of gender identity. By doing so, women are expected to appear, behave and accept kawaii as part of their identity which marginalises them to masculine hegemony. It is through mass media and education that this socialisation happens so it can be said that the conformity of social and gender norms makes women subconsciously reinforce patriarchy. While a woman can feel empowered on the inside by heightening her femininity, it is through challenging patriarchy and conventional gender norms, that women can become truly empowered. Perhaps it is a balanced combination of both — but it is clear that the omission of Kawaii and its infantile disposition will aid in the empowerment of Japanese women.

Word Count: 2200

Bibliography

Akita, Kimiko. “Cuteness: The Sexual Commodification of Women in the Japanese Media.” In Women and the Media; Diverse Perspectives, edited by Theresa Carilli, & Jane Campbell, 44-57. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 2005.

Belton, John. Movies and Mass Culture. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1996.

Burdelski, Matthew, and Koji Mitsuhashi, “‘She Thinks You’re Kawaii’: Socialising Affect, Gender and Relationships in a Japanese Preschool.” Language in Society 39, no. 1 (2010): 65-93.

Lunning, Frenchy. “Under the Ruffles: Shōjo and the Morphology of Power.” Mechademia 6, (2011): 3-19.

Murase, H. Feminism-Subculture: Hihansengen [declaration of criticism]. Tokyo: Shunjuu-Sha, 2002.

Nabokov, Vladimir. Lolita. Paris: Olympia Press, 1955.

Napier, Susan J. Anime from Akira to Princess Mononoke: Experiencing Contemporary Japanese Animation. New York: Palgrave, 2001.

Patel, Niti Sampat. “Postcolonial Masquerades: Culture and Politics in Literature, Film, Video, and Photography.” In Literary Criticism and Cultural Theory: The Interaction of Text and Society, edited by W.E. Cain. New York: Garland Publishing Inc, 2001.

Winge, Theresa. “Undressing and Dressing Loli: A Search for the Identity of the Japanese Lolita.” Mechademia 3, (2008): 47-63.

1. Theresa Winge, “Undressing and Dressing Loli: A Search for the Identity of the Japanese Lolita”, Mechademia 3, (2008): 50.
2.  , 60.
3. Niti Sampat Patel, “Postcolonial Masquerades: Culture and Politics in Literature, Film, Video, and Photography.” in Literary Criticism and Cultural Theory: The Interaction of Text and Society, W.E. Cain (New York: Garland Publishing Inc, 2001), xxv.
4. Vladimir Nabokov, Lolita (Paris: Olympia Press, 1955). 
5. Winge, “Undressing ans dressing Loli,”
6. Frenchy Lunning, “Under the Ruffles: Shōjo and the Morphology of Power”, Mechademia 6, (2011)
7.  Kimiko Akita, “Cuteness: The Sexual Commodification of Women in the Japanese ” in Women and the Media; Diverse Perspectives, ed. Theresa Carilli, & Jane Campbell (Lanham, Md: University Press of America, 2005), 45-46.
8. Matthew Burdelski and Koji Mitsuhashi, “‘She Thinks You’re Kawaii’: Socialising Affect, Gender and Relationships in a Japanese Preschool,” Language in Society 39, 1 (2010): 68.
9. Murase, Feminism-Subculture: Hihansengen [declaration of criticism], (Tokyo: Shunjuu-Sha, 2002): 216-217.
10. Burdelski and Mitsuhashi, “‘She Thinks You’re Kawaii’,”
11. Akita, “Cuteness.”
12. Ibid.

13.  Burdelski and Mitsuhashi, “‘She Thinks You’re Kawaii’,”

14. , 75.
15. , 68.
16. Ibid.

17. Lunning, “Under the Ruffles,”

18.  Akita, “Cuteness.”

19.  , 50.

20.  , 47.

21.  Susan J. Napier, Anime from Akira to Princess Mononoke: Experiencing Contemporary Japanese Animation (New York: Palgrave, 2001), 181-182.

22.  , 182.

23. , 184.

24.  John Belton, Movies and Mass Culture (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1996).