AWA: Academic Writing at Auckland

The geographies of production and consumption, as well as their associated nature, can be clearly examined through the example of sweatshops. Although consumption has long been regarded in geography as the endpoint of the production cycle, it is now widely acknowledged that both processes operate in a system and cannot be separated from each other.  Through this lens and by using the example of sweatshops, the processes of production and consumption will be discussed. This essay will then examine several different perspectives on how production and consumption influence each other.

Lee (2005) argues that production, over time, has faced a global shift. While Asia was the largest producing region at the end of the eighteenth century, its capacity was severely reduced at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Today, Asia, once again, appears to be one of the world’s leading producing regions. As Bryson and Henry (2001: 343-344) explain, this point is important to recognising the globalised nature of production. Throughout history, production has become an increasingly globalised process. Massey (1995) describes the journey of Chang Ch’ien in 138BC in search of allies on behalf of the Chinese Han Dynasty (cited in Bryson et al., 2001: 343). This shows that links between nations are not a new phenomenon. However, Bryson and Henry (2001: 344) allude to the notion of a ‘shrunken world’ where, in modern societies, globalised production has become the norm due to the increased links between nations, particularly with air travel and the information era.

Modern globalised production, highlighting geographies of space and place, is extremely important in relation to the production processes of brands utilising sweatshops. According to Lee (2005: 228-229) production is carried out to meet the norms of the society, managing the production. In Western capitalist societies, this norm is generally profitability. Sweatshops illustrate two important features of the geographies of production. Firstly, Western corporations can significantly lower their production costs by utilising the cheaper labour of developing countries, thereby increasing their margin of profitability. This is now recognised as a global division of labour with management being carried out in the West and production being carried out in developing states (Coe et al., 2007a).  Coe et al. (2007a) state production costs in China are just four per cent of those in the United States. This statistic highlights the financial incentive for corporations to utilise this global division of labour, cementing geographies of space in production. Secondly, the notion of a ‘shrunken world’ (Bryson and Henry, 2001: 344) where fewer resources are needed to transport commodities back to the Western world, due to technological improvements, is significant. Again, this cements the idea of place in the development of commodities where, production is carried out in the developing world and management, in the developed world. These new geographies of space and place, have bought about a change in the production process which can be clearly highlighted through the sweatshop example.  

Production, however, cannot be discussed without a reference to consumption. These two processes are inextricably interlinked (Coe et al.: 2007a). The geographies of consumption, particularly in regard to spaces of consumption, are important in understanding how production and consumption are interlinked. Crang (2001: 400) talks of consumption as the ‘utilization of the products of human labour’ and explains how many academics now believe consumption has become the driver of production. This argument is highlighted, again, through the example of sweatshops. Heintz (2004) believes the increased consumption of the West has meant an increase in production has had to take place. With this argument, Heintz (2004) alludes to the spaces in which consumption occurs. Where there have been increases in Western consumption of goods, there have also been increases in the need for sweatshops in developing countries. However, Henitz (2004) argues that this process has allowed many citizens of developing countries to be employed in the formal sector within sweatshops.

Production and consumption are important processes on their own, however what is crucially important is the associated nature of both production and consumption. Several different perspectives on the relationship of these processes are argued by Coe, Kelly and Yeung (2004b). These relationships will be discussed using an in depth analysis of sweatshops.

Coe et al. (2004b: 287) firstly argue the position of consumer sovereignty. This is where consumers have agency, or, in other words, hold large amounts of power. Crang (2001: 402) reinforces this argument when speaking of the ‘global dictator’.  Coe et al. (2004b: 287) argue that from this perspective, consumers make rational decisions on which products to purchase based on the price and the product itself. These decisions are not influenced by the norms of society. Products that are consumed more readily are also produced more readily and products that are not consumed ceased to be produced. This idea of the associated nature of production and consumption can be related to sweatshops. Timmerman (2009a) explores the sweatshops in Bangladesh and explains how many identical products are produced in this environment through the efficiency of the division of labour. Timmerman (2009a) goes on to explain how, for mass production to occur, mass consumption must also occur. Timmerman (2009a) explains that when many consumers in the United States boycotted products made in Bangladesh, because of a documentary exposing young labourers, production greatly ceased.

Likewise, Timmerman (2009b) examines the large numbers of sweatshops that have guards, as well as strict procedures around entering their premises. These strict procedures of sweatshops also show the link between production and consumption. It is possible that if consumers were aware of the conditions in which their products were produced, they may choose to boycott these products, like in the Bangladesh example. Clearly, many corporations realise the effects that decreased consumption would have on production and attempt to conceal the poor conditions of many sweatshops.  Both of these sweatshop examples shows the link between consumption and production and indeed, reinforce the position of consumer sovereignty as argued by Coe et al. (2004b: 287).

Coe et al. (2004b: 287) go on to argue that possibly, a more realistic perspective in a capitalist society is the ‘consumers-as dupes’ argument. It is stated, ‘consumption is read as the outcome of changes in the production process’ (Coe et al., 2007b: 287). This perspective argues that the association of the geographies of production and consumption is that consumers are persuaded to part with their dollar and purchase commodities, thereby fuelling the production of these products further. This perspective is reinforced by Goss (1999:253-254) where a ‘consumer attitude’ is spoken of. Goss (1999: 253-254) claims that with this attitude enjoyment is found through the purchase of goods and services. He goes on to claim that this attitude fuels production. Again, this link can be clearly seen through the example of corporations utilising sweatshops. These corporations, most notably Nike, often use network production as is explained by Bryson (2001: 364). Service sector industries as employed by these corporations, such as advertising, are in the West, encouraging consumers to part with their dollar. The production of commodities, however, takes place in the developing world. Large proportions of capital spent by these corporations in advertising encourage consumers to part with their dollar. The most prominent example of this is the Nike, ‘Just Do It’ campaign (Bryson, 2001: 364). Because this encourages the consumer to purchase, more money is placed into production fuelling a capitalist system, as Bryson (2001: 364) points out.

The final argument put forward in terms of the relationship between the geographies of production and consumption by Coe et al. (2007b: 289) is the culturist perspective. This perspective argues that society has a culture through trends. It is claimed that many people purchase products to uphold this identity. It is argued by Coe et al. (2007b: 289) that this is a two way relationship between production and consumption. While manufacturers, often sweatshops, influence this culture to uphold production, consumers purchase goods in a manner which remains with the trend. From this perspective, production and consumption have an equal influence on each other. This concept, can be, again, shown through the corporation of Nike and its sweatshops. As Bryson (2001: 364) points out, Nike manufactured shoes, originally, were targeted at the American hip-hop trend. This is an example of a corporation using sweatshops, extending and therefore influencing a culture. Because of this production is also greatly increased. In other words, this is an example of production influencing consumption. In the reverse, as Nike shoes began to be purchased to fit in with the trend, high levels of consumption began to influence production. 

It is clear that the geographies of production and consumption are associated. These processes can be clearly examined using the example of sweatshops, as well as examining the corporations which use sweatshops. Throughout the course of this essay, the geographies of production and consumption, individually, have been examined using sweatshops to illustrate these processes. Because of the interlinked nature of both production and consumption, the influences these two processes have on each other have also been examined and numerous arguments have been presented. The associated nature of production and consumption as well as the relation of these processes to sweatshops is clear. 

Reference List

Bryson, J. and Henry, N. 2001 The global production system from Fordism to post-Fordism, in Daniels, P., Bradshaw, M., Shaw, D. and Sidaway, J. eds. An introduction to human geography: issues for the 21^st Century, Pearson Education Ltd, Edinburgh Gate: 313-336.

Coe, N.M., Kelly, P.F. and Yeung, H.W.C. 2007a Commodity chains: where does your breakfast come from?, in Economic geography: a contemporary introduction, Blackwell, Malden, MA: 87-118.

Coe, N.M., Kelly, P.F. and Yeung, H.W.C. 2007b Consumption: is the customer always right?, in Economic geography: a contemporary introduction, Blackwell, Malden, MA: 284-316.

Crang, P. 2001 Consumption and its geographies, in Daniels, P., Bradshaw, M., Shaw, D. and Sidaway, J. eds. Introduction to human geography: issues for the 21^st Century, Pearson Education Ltd, Edinburgh Gate: 359-379.

Goss, J. 1999 Consumption geographies, in Cloke, P., Crang, P. and Goodwin, M. Introducing human geographies, Hodder Arnold, London: 253-270.

Heintz, J. 2004 Beyond sweatshops: employment, labor market security and global inequality, Antipode, 36(2): 222-226.

Lee, R. 2005 Production, in Cloke, P., Crang, P. and Goodwin, M.. eds. Introducing Human Geographies, Hodder Arnold, London: 225-242.

Timmerman, K. 2009a Child labour in action, in Where am I wearing?: a global tour to the countries, factories and people that make our clothes, Wiley, Hoboken, New Jersey: 53-58.

Timmerman, K. 2009b Inside my first sweatshop, in Where am I wearing?: a global tour to the countries, factories and people that make our clothes, Wiley, Hoboken, New Jersey: 45-51.